Former Second-in-Command Dick Cheney: An Examination on the Impactful Government Service

The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was seen as one of the most powerful holders of that office in US history. Whereas many VPs were confined to marginal or symbolic positions, Cheney held substantial power during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "true president".

Bush disliked such a characterisation and said the connection was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public settings as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were equals. Despite these objections, Cheney considered the relaxed president pliable on a whole raft of policy decisions.

A Aftermath of 9/11

At the head of a faction of neo-cons that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the shooting down of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the government building.

Cheney claimed the attacks altered his perspective, causing him to be determined on revenge. Along with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.

Debated Actions

He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the enhanced interrogation of detainees captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading information circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It represented the correct action to do then. I believed it back then and I maintain that stance today."

However during that period, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, deception, incompetence, and corruption."

Broader Context

Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a document setting out scenarios in which American interests might be endangered (featuring "availability of vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be positioned to act independently when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," explicitly referencing armed actions against Iraq.

Bush also had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.

Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his father's visage that each person had to tread upon.

Investigation Approaches

However it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, frequently citing intelligence reports that were whether thin or totally inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.

Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the report as "loaded with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and create programmes to apprehend the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."

Public Persona

Cheney took pleasure in labels assigned to him by detractors such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a dark force directing Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? This represents a effective way to operate, in fact."

Commercial Ties

Debate over his commercial relationships followed him during his tenure as VP. Even though he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.

In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US contracts totaling multiple billions.

It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the company rose from his previous salary when he was military head to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package worth more than $20m|twenty